By Sarwar Kashmeri
American international coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything particularly amiss with the European-American courting that multilateralism won't repair. now not actual, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is lifeless, can't be mounted, and needs to be renegotiated. It has now not grown to deal with Europe's emergence as a huge energy. one of those usa of Europe, with international priorities varied from these of the U.S., has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the United States continues to be forging international coverage for Europe utilizing chilly conflict realities; either Democrats and Republicans anticipate the ecu Union to fall into step, and document for provider as needed—under American leadership.Europe, besides the fact that, has different plans, and because it turns into extra strong at the international level, competing visions of ecu management have emerged. The Iraq struggle has introduced them into stark reduction. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq was once extra approximately French-British festival for management of Europe than it was once a few department among American pursuits and eu ambitions. He portrays British overseas coverage as out of contact with truth, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the U.S. because of the Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American exact dating. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in keeping with a distinct dating with the ecu Union. This schedule is galvanized via the suggestions of the leaders who spoke to the writer particularly for this ebook, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British best minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley ok. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Additional resources for America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
The administration’s expectation was that Iraq would be a relatively minor skirmish. The Iraqi army would be quickly defeated; the Iraqi people would welcome the conquering American troops; Iraqi oil would pay for rebuilding the country and for transforming it into a Western-style democracy. And, in a matter of months, most of the American troops would return home and leave Iraq to a grateful citizenry. Administration officials, however, had been hesitant to provide Congress with hard numbers or evidence to support these claims because the invasion was the result of neoconservative hubris, unsupported by Americans who had experience in the Arab world.
In their view, “The place to start is the most benighted region of the world—the Middle East—where democracy is nowhere present, where the growth rates are abysmal and conflict is endemic,” Scowcroft said. ” It is the neoconservative vision that dominates United States policy today, and it does not bode well for the alliance’s future prospects. Brent Scowcroft, the National Security Advisor during the first Gulf War, was one of the key architects of the coalition that President George H. W. Bush put together to forcibly remove Iraq from Kuwait.
Spain was also an enthusiastic supporter of the surprise letter in support of America’s invasion of Iraq. Written on the eve of the Iraqi war by nine European countries, the totally unexpected development had thrown cold water on the French-German claim that they were the leaders of “European foreign policy” and that this “European” policy was implacably opposed to America’s Iraqi invasion. The letter also made a dent in the French-German argument that European foreign policy was being consciously developed “by Europe” to serve as a counterweight to America’s hegemony.
America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide by Sarwar Kashmeri